Georgian constitutionalist: "Systemic purge underway against actors who refuse to accept authoritarian reality"

Constitutionalist Davit Zedelashvili tells Front News that “Bidzina Ivanishvili’s regime has established electoral authoritarianism in Georgia, aimed at 'cleansing' the political field, isolating undesirable actors, and forming a so-called pocket opposition.” According to him, the government is creating a simulated democracy and is trying to maintain relations with the West only in hopes of having sanctions lifted.

– How do you assess the recent surge in judicial persecution of journalists, civil activists, and representatives of the third sector?

Ivanishvili’s regime is carrying out mass repression through both legal and violent means. The goal is to neutralize any internal threat to power and to reshape the public-political space in a way that guarantees the regime’s hegemony, while the so-called permitted opposition and NGO organizations merely create the illusion of pluralism.

– In your opinion, what tactic is the government currently pursuing? Should these actions be considered part of a pre-election strategy?

In electoral authoritarianism—the political system established by Bidzina Ivanishvili—elections are a theatrical performance, the sole purpose of which is to performatively reinforce the regime’s power. Mass repression is one method to ensure competitive elections do not take place—or that no one remains in society who would demand such elections.

– Could this be described as an attempt to "cleanse" the political field and remove specific actors from the political process?

Yes, this is an accelerated, surgical intervention in the political space. A systemic purge is underway against actors who refuse to accept the authoritarian reality and who oppose the dictator’s intention to remain in power indefinitely.

– In recent weeks and months, there has been a clear structural purge in law enforcement agencies. Those listed under Western sanctions have also been replaced. What do you believe the government’s goal is with these changes?

Beyond speculative interpretations, one main motive has emerged—Ivanishvili wants to create the impression that sanctions are being lifted. To this end, he tries to show the West that his personal grip on power is weakening. He wants to support the narrative that loyal figures are stepping down from key positions. However, so far this maneuver has not yielded results and no one actually believes it.

– Does this signal a reassessment of relations with the West and the formation of a new political course, or is it simply an attempt to further strengthen the Prime Minister’s position?

In reality, Ivanishvili no longer has any resources to improve relations with the West. His choice is already made—and it is not the West. He only wants to remove pressure and sanctions. To achieve this, he hires lobbyists, uses manipulative messaging, and creates the impression that Kobakhidze is the one in power and not himself. But these efforts have so far been unsuccessful.

– What is your general view on the discussions within the opposition regarding their forms of participation in the upcoming local elections? Is there a unified strategy?

Some parts of the opposition are influenced by both repressive pressure and the illusion that they can become a regime-approved opposition while still claiming to be a force for change. This is an incompatible, contradictory, and at the same time shameless position—it’s a lie that insults anti-systemic voters.

In authoritarian regimes, there may be a pragmatic argument for accepting the role of systemic opposition, but in such cases, one must admit that regime change is impossible and the only way to survive is to become pocket opposition. Clearly, no one wants to admit this—and that is the fundamental problem.

As long as the regime holds power, it is impossible to prevent it from trying to create a system where only its preferred opposition exists. As a result, we see how it persecutes anti-systemic actors and builds a comfortable opposition environment for itself.

– How do you evaluate the decision by Nika Melia, Nika Gvaramia, and Zurab Japaridze to go to prison during the pre-election period? Can these actions bring them real political dividends?

The decision to arrest them was made by Bidzina Ivanishvili and his regime—not by the individuals themselves. It is immoral to claim that the victim of political repression is to blame for being repressed.

– How realistic is the threat of visa liberalization being revoked by the European Union? How do you interpret Donald Tusk’s recent statements—are they just political signals or attempts to exert real influence on ongoing processes?

If Ivanishvili’s regime manages to stabilize its power, visa liberalization and the EU integration process will inevitably collapse. Puppet regimes of the Kremlin do not enjoy the privileges that come with European integration.

For Europe, this would be an undesirable but inevitable outcome of a harsh reality. For Ivanishvili, however, it would be both desirable and beneficial. The irreversible dismantling of EU integration has been a goal set by the Kremlin for him from the beginning—a goal he is executing with precision.

By Elza Paposhvili