Expert Chitadze: ruling party’s moves reflect internal power struggle, not anti-corruption effort

The large-scale investigative processes launched within the ruling elite are reshaping Georgia’s political agenda. The decision to release former Prime Minister Irakli Gharibashvili from the courtroom after imposing bail of ₾1 million ($368,000), along with the arrest of associates of former State Security Service chief Grigol Liluashvili, has raised many questions. Experts are divided: Is this a sincere effort to fight corruption, or a clash between clans surrounding ruling Georgian Dream founder Bidzina Ivanishvili’s power centre?

In an interview with Front News, political expert Nika Chitadze discusses the current situation and says that the main motive behind the ruling party’s actions is an internal power struggle aimed at eliminating rivals and protecting Ivanishvili’s financial interests. Chitadze suspects that bargaining is taking place with Gharibashvili - with the “price” potentially being the naming of other high-ranking officials and, possibly, leading the investigation to Liluashvili.

Q. Bail of up to ₾1 million for Gharibashvili, his release from the courtroom, a 30-day deadline to pay the bail, arrests of several individuals close to Liluashvili and his current unknown whereabouts - what do you believe motivates the ruling team? A genuine fight against corruption, or internal conflict?

A. The fact that Gharibashvili was involved in corruption is nothing new, numerous reports have been made about this and it has been discussed for years. His first premiership ended precisely because of these issues. He and his circle were implicated in major corruption, which forced him to resign. We also remember how his son was flown to the US on a state aircraft. Everyone knew these things. I think the Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze and his team worked to convince Ivanishvili that Gharibashvili was stealing and not delivering money into the so-called offshore “common pot”.

Imagine, since 2012 he was a minister, then prime minister, then defence minister and then prime minister again. Despite everything, Ivanishvili brought him back. So now, I believe this is simply an internal clan showdown. Kobakhidze is trying to show Ivanishvili that he is the only clean and loyal one. So what we are seeing is an effort to finally remove his rivals. Unlike Gharibashvili, Kobakhidze is not suspected of this level of corruption, his crimes are of a different nature, mostly abuse of power.

Q. Why was he not arrested then? According to legal experts, the charges are serious and could carry up to 12 years in prison. What is the logic behind the ruling team’s actions?

A. I believe they are bargaining with Gharibashvili. They are telling him - we will not arrest you if we can say you cooperated with the investigation. In return, they will demand he names everyone else involved in the corruption.

Q. Do you think more arrests of former officials are likely in the coming days? Will that be the price of Gharibashvili’s freedom - naming those who engaged in corruption alongside him?

A. Yes. When the investigation states that he is cooperating, it means Gharibashvili will lead them to others. They might still arrest him later and send him to prison for up to three years - with the justification that he cooperated. In return, they get the names of others involved in the corrupt scheme. They may want to reach Liluashvili too and that is why they are arresting people around him. Clearly, there is intense bargaining and in exchange for staying out of prison, Gharibashvili will be expected to give them this.

As for [former Prosecutor General Otar] Partskhaladze, I do not even know how his name appeared among them. How and in what role he was involved is unclear to me.

Q. Why do you think he was brought into the case? The opposition had always linked Partskhaladze more directly with Ivanishvili. Their suspicion was that Ivanishvili intentionally sent him to Russia to serve as a mediator between Moscow and Ivanishvili. Why is his name now appearing with Liluashvili and Gharibashvili?

A. It seems that initially Partskhaladze really did serve Ivanishvili’s interests in Russia. As long as he was fulfilling his assigned role, Ivanishvili was satisfied and protected him. Now there are several possible explanations:

First, when he was sanctioned and problems emerged, Ivanishvili likely stopped seeing benefit from him. Especially now that Kobakhidze has emerged as a replacement. Kobakhidze can manage communications with the Russians himself, playing along with them, which he is doing by derailing the country’s European integration path.

So, for Ivanishvili, Partskhaladze probably became an unnecessary burden and he decided to get rid of him. This is exactly how it worked in the Soviet era, they knew officials were corrupt but used them as long as they were useful, then disposed of them. We are witnessing a very similar style of “purge” today.

Q. The opposition also claims that both Gharibashvili and Liluashvili have compromising material against the authorities, specifically against Ivanishvili, and are negotiating to protect themselves. How realistic is this version?

A. Yes, it is not excluded that they have kompromat. They particularly targeted Liluashvili, since his close associates were arrested. Another version is that they were asked for money and did not deliver, thus they are being blackmailed.

But it is also possible that the other side has something hidden, to save themselves, nothing is excluded. The fact is, Ivanishvili needs money now and he is interested in extracting it, because sanctions have cost him financially. He fears that new sanctions could leave him in even greater need of funds.

Q. Do you think the names being investigated could be connected to the October 4 case as well? The Government and even opposition leaders have mentioned communication with former high-ranking officials, with hints pointing toward Liluashvili. Do you expect their names to emerge in the context of treason?

A. I think Liluashvili may have been in communication. Gharibashvili - much less likely, in my view. But even in Liluashvili’s case, I believe he was acting in the Government’s interests.

If he managed to convince opposition leaders that he was on their side, that would be part of a special operation. He was a figure sent to the opposition to work in the ruling party’s interest.

I still cannot understand how opposition leaders trusted him, or those who communicated with him. Maybe when someone wants something very much, they start to believe it to be reality. Perhaps that is what happened and unfortunately, the opposition fell into that trap.

As for Gharibashvili’s involvement, I do not believe it, and I will not believe it.